Despite wanting to steer away from a dreary debate on electoral systems, there does seem to be quite a lot of venom directed at the classic First Past the Post system in the UK. Right at the other end of the spectrum lies the party list proportional representation of Israeli elections. With the second-lowest electoral threshold in the world (currently at two per cent even after being raised twice), the Israeli Parliament – or Knesset – ends up with a huge array of parties in a legislature of a mere 120 seats. For a country under constant outside duress this can, and has, had dire consequences.
In brief, the current system revolves around alliances. Never has one party achieved more than half the seats needed to form a government and the closest ever was 56 seats gained in 1969 by the now-defunct Alignment Party. Once an election has occurred, the largest party has 42 days to negotiate with its contemporaries to form a coalition. If supported by a vote of confidence in the Knesset, that coalition is entitled to form the government.
Though Likud and Labor often steam ahead as the flagship centre-right and -left parties, respectively, each is often forced to ally itself with the same minor parties, numerous times. In the UK, the Liberal Democrats have been branded treacherous turncoats for entering one single coalition, yet in Israel the religious United Torah and Shas parties and their predecessors have featured in every coalition, bar the current government and those under Ariel Sharon and Menachem Begin, since Israel was created in 1948.
Making matters even worse, single issue parties can destroy any prospective road to peace. When the Shas party enters a coalition, its brings its unshakable belief that Jerusalem cannot be shared, a major thorn in the side of any two state solution-supporting prime minister. So what does this mean for a country facing almost perpetual uprisings, war and terrorism on its very doorstep? Though all Israeli parties are united under support for the existence of Israel (it is illegal to run as a party which negates the State of Israel), their interpretation of Zionism and the way it should be imposed are worlds apart.
The Knesset has been built on shaky foundations ever since the 2nd Knesset of 1951 that saw the creation of six governments in four years. This tradition of instability remains and only the 1969-74 government of Golda Meir has ever held office for the full four year term without an election (Netanyahu’s 32nd government missed out on gaining this rare accolade by 13 days in 2013). However, Meir headed up two other governments that lasted less than six months.
When an Israeli government meets, the opinions and views of those sitting around the table have always differed. Whether it is regarding attacks from Hezbollah or Hamas, the Iranian nuclear programme or settlements, few governments have ever had full consensus. Under the current Netanyahu administration the Foreign Minister, Avigdor Liebermann, has often stepped out of line. Hardened by a stint in a Soviet gulag, Liebermann has been labelled as a far right Zionist and is no stranger to controversy for his hard line views on Palestine and surrounding Middle Eastern countries.
After the murder of three kidnapped Israeli boys in late June, Netanyahu showed remarkable restraint in the face of his own government coalition, often spearheaded by the Ultra-Zionist Jewish Home Party, who demanded an immediate land assault into Gaza. Though a petty walkout by a senior minister in the UK may result in media embarrassment and ridicule from the opposition, Liebermann’s public disdain for Benjamin Netanyahu could shatter the current administration’s hopes for a future stint in office. When Liebermann represents an entire party (Yisrael Beiteinu) which merged with Likud to ensure electoral success last year, these disagreements can destroy a government.
The 1962 Night of the Long Knives saw British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan sack a third of his cabinet in less than a day. Though eventually recovering from the event, the entire affair rocked the political class and morale in the ruling Conservative party plunged. In Israel, one walk-out can damage a major party’s chances of winning for years to come. On top of that, every single Israeli government is faced with enemies that are hell bent on ensuring the destruction of Israel and in some cases the Jewish people as well, through kidnappings, assassinations, bombings and rioting.
It is quite amazing that, despite such a convoluted and difficult electoral system, Israel continues to operate. However, every Knesset and government carries the same time bomb created by the electoral system that occasionally goes off to dismember whole administrations that consequently have to ignore what happens outside their borders as they try to salvage the pieces. When that happens, the enemies of Israel will be ready to strike politically, diplomatically and militarily.
In December, Benjamin Netanyahu and Avigdor Liebermann agreed to raise the election threshold to 3.25 per cent.
